The Delhi Story: Three Decades, Five Chief Ministers (1993–2025)

Introduction

In 1993, Delhi’s politics entered a new era. After decades under direct central rule, the National Capital Territory (NCT) was granted a Legislative Assembly and an elected government under the 69th Constitutional Amendment. Since then, five chief ministers have steered Delhi through dramatic political shifts, economic growth spurts, infrastructure booms, and bruising controversies. From veteran BJP leader Madan Lal Khurana – “Delhi ka Sher” – who took office in 1993, to Congress stalwart Sheila Dikshit who oversaw a 15-year transformation of the capital, and anti-corruption crusader-turned-politician Arvind Kejriwal who ushered in the “Delhi model” of governance in the 2010s, each leader’s tenure left an indelible mark. This narrative explores the political developments, economic advances, controversies, and election outcomes in Delhi from 1993 to March 2025, focusing especially on the legacies of Sheila Dikshit, Madan Lal Khurana, and most of all Arvind Kejriwal.

Before diving into each era, it’s helpful to understand Delhi’s electoral journey in brief. The table below highlights the results of Delhi Assembly elections since 1993, illustrating the rise and fall of parties and leaders over time:

Election Year	BJP Seats	Congress Seats	AAP Seats	Others	Outcome (Chief Minister)
1993	49	14	–	7	BJP wins; Madan Lal Khurana becomes CM
1998	15	52	–	3	Congress wins; Sheila Dikshit becomes CM
2003	19	47	–	4	Congress retains power; Sheila Dikshit CM
2008	23	42	–	5	Congress retains power; Sheila Dikshit CM
2013	31	8	28	3	Hung Assembly; AAP forms minority govt (Arvind Kejriwal CM)
2015	3	0	67	0	AAP landslide; Arvind Kejriwal becomes CM
2020	8	0	62	0	AAP retains power; Arvind Kejriwal CM
2025	48	0	22	0	BJP returns to power; Rekha Gupta becomes CM

Sources: Election results compiled from election commission website.

As shown above, the BJP dominated the inaugural 1993 polls, the Congress swept three straight terms from 1998 through 2008, and the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) emerged in 2013 to govern for a decade before a BJP comeback in 2025. These numbers set the stage for the stories behind them – a tale of governance successes in infrastructure and public services, as well as controversies from corruption scandals to constitutional showdowns. Let’s explore each chapter of Delhi’s political story in turn.

Madan Lal Khurana (1993–1996): The Lion of Delhi and a New Beginning

The re-establishment of Delhi’s Assembly in 1993 brought the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) to power in a landslide. Madan Lal Khurana, a veteran BJP organizer known as “Delhi ka Sher” (Lion of Delhi), became the first Chief Minister of Delhi in the new era. Khurana had earned a reputation for his grassroots connect and had been instrumental in strengthening the BJP’s base in the capital through the 1980s and early 90s. His victory in 1993 (BJP won 49 of 70 seats, against 14 for Congress) reflected both the organizational prowess of the BJP and public backlash against the Congress Party’s perceived role in the 1984 anti-Sikh carnage.

Politically, Khurana’s tenure was about setting up the framework of Delhi’s new government. He had to navigate Delhi’s unique power matrix – a limited statehood where key subjects like law and order remained with the Centre – while delivering on local governance. Khurana focused on civic issues like improving water supply and public transportation, and he sought greater autonomy for Delhi. One notable initiative during his time was conceptualizing improvements in city transport infrastructure. Although the Delhi Metro would only become a reality later, its early planning owed partly to groundwork in the mid-1990s. Khurana’s government also promoted Delhi’s culture and tourism (famously organizing events like the Mango Festival with future Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee in attendance), aiming to boost the capital’s profile.

However, Khurana’s promising tenure was cut short by scandal. In late 1995, his name surfaced in the infamous Jain Hawala diaries scandal, a nationwide political corruption controversy that implicated politicians across party lines. Though never convicted, the mere allegation brought “mounting political pressure” on Khurana. Demonstrating a standard of accountability uncommon in Indian politics of the time, Khurana resigned in February 1996, less than three years into office, to allow an impartial investigation. (He was later cleared by courts in the hawala case, but the damage to his Chief Ministership was done.)

Khurana’s resignation not only marked the abrupt end of the first BJP government but also triggered power struggles within the party. Having been the popular face of the BJP’s Delhi unit, his exit left a leadership void that the party scrambled to fill. In summary, Madan Lal Khurana’s era laid the foundation of elected government in Delhi – emphasizing local governance after decades of central rule – but it ended on a note of turmoil due to corruption allegations. The “Lion of Delhi” roared in Delhi’s politics briefly yet significantly, and his exit paved the way for his BJP successors amid internal strife.

Sahib Singh Verma (1996–1998): Infighting and the Onion Crisis

With Khurana stepping down, the BJP chose Sahib Singh Verma as the next Chief Minister in February 1996. Verma, a rustic former union leader from outer Delhi, inherited a government in turbulence. His ascent did not calm the waters; instead, it opened a new chapter marked by infighting and governance challenges. Almost immediately, Verma had to contend with Khurana’s lingering influence. Khurana – having been acquitted in court – attempted a comeback, leading to a turf war between the incumbent and his predecessor. Verma steadfastly refused to vacate the CM’s chair upon Khurana’s return to politics, deepening rifts within the Delhi BJP. This internal rivalry sapped the BJP government’s focus at a time it faced major public discontent.

Economically and administratively, Delhi in the late 1990s was grappling with rapid population growth and strained infrastructure. Verma’s tenure saw power outages and water shortages become severe, with his administration struggling to find solutions. But the defining crisis of his rule became symbolized by a humble kitchen staple: onions. In 1998, onion prices in Delhi skyrocketed to unprecedented levels – reportedly around ₹60 per kg near Diwali – a shock given onions are a daily necessity in Indian households. The price spike, caused by supply disruptions, hoarding, and lack of timely government intervention, hit the pocketbooks of ordinary citizens. The “onion crisis” soon turned into a political flashpoint. Verma’s government was perceived as inept for failing to control inflation of essential commodities.

The political cost of these failures was enormous. By mid-1998, with an election due, the BJP high command grew wary of facing voters under Verma’s tarnished leadership. The accumulation of public anger – over sky-high onion prices, water and electricity woes, and the BJP’s own factional quarrels – spelled doom in the making. In a last-ditch effort to stem anti-incumbency, the BJP replaced Verma in October 1998 with a new face (Sushma Swaraj). Verma thus stepped down just weeks before the election, ending his tenure after 2 years and 228 days.

In retrospect, Sahib Singh Verma’s chief-ministership is remembered more for what went wrong than any positive legacy. His period lacked major developmental initiatives and instead underscored how poor governance on daily-life issues (like commodity prices and utilities) can erase a party’s goodwill. It also highlighted the BJP’s internal challenges – a ruling party divided against itself. One silver lining for Verma personally was that his family’s political legacy endured: decades later in 2025, his son Parvesh Sahib Singh entered the limelight by defeating Arvind Kejriwal in a historic electoral contest. But as for Verma’s own reign, it concluded with the BJP’s electoral rout of 1998, fueled in large part by the failures under his watch.

Sushma Swaraj (Oct–Dec 1998): A 52-Day Firefight

Facing near-certain defeat in the upcoming 1998 polls, the BJP made a bold gambit by installing Sushma Swaraj as Delhi’s first woman Chief Minister on October 12, 1998. A high-profile national politician and excellent orator, Swaraj was brought in as a fresh face to blunt the anti-incumbency the BJP had accumulated over five years. However, her tenure lasted only 52 days – essentially a caretaker Chief Ministership until the December 1998 elections. In that short span, Swaraj energetically tried to “firefight” multiple crises that had ballooned under Verma’s regime.

One immediate emergency was the onion crisis. Swaraj moved quickly – setting up a special task force to restore onion supplies and even deploying mobile vans to sell onions at controlled prices across neighborhoods. These measures did provide some relief and showcased her hands-on administrative style. She also engaged directly with the public and media, displaying her trademark communication skills to assure voters that the government was responding.

Yet, 52 days were far too little to reverse five years of baggage. Political momentum in Delhi had swung decisively. When Delhi voted in early December 1998, the BJP’s hopes of Swaraj staving off defeat were dashed. The Congress, led by Sheila Dikshit, won a thumping majority of 52 out of 70 seats. Swaraj’s whirlwind stint as CM came to an end as swiftly as it began.

Despite being the shortest-serving Delhi CM, Sushma Swaraj’s time in office is remembered for her dynamism under pressure. She demonstrated that women leaders could helm the capital (a point of pride as Delhi’s first woman Chief Minister). Politically, her appointment acknowledged the BJP’s realization of its incumbent government’s unpopularity – essentially, she was tasked with damage control. While her intervention on onions and other fronts came too late to change the election outcome, it did burnish Swaraj’s credentials as a crisis manager. She gracefully accepted the 1998 verdict and soon returned to national politics, where she would go on to become a senior Union Minister and one of the BJP’s most respected figures.

For Delhi, the end of 1998 marked a turning point: after a five-year experiment with BJP rule (marred by scandals and governance issues), the stage was set for an era that would fundamentally transform the city under the leadership of Sheila Dikshit.

Sheila Dikshit (1998–2013): The Architect of Modern Delhi

When Sheila Dikshit took office in December 1998, few could have predicted that this relatively unassuming Congress leader would helm Delhi for the next 15 years. Yet, by the time she left in 2013, Dikshit had become synonymous with Delhi’s transformation into a modern metropolis. Under her leadership, Delhi saw unprecedented infrastructure development, economic growth, and social welfare programs, earning her accolades as the Chief Minister who “changed Delhi for good”.

Dikshit’s initial mandate in 1998 was decisive – Congress won 52 seats to BJP’s 15 – signaling Delhiites’ desire for change. Political acumen became a hallmark of her rule. Despite Delhi’s “complex matrix of governance” with multiple authorities (state government, central government, municipal bodies), Dikshit was adept at consensus-building. Former Lieutenant Governor Vijai Kapoor noted how she “tactfully managed to get work done” across agencies by striking a harmonious balance between the state and Centre. This was in stark contrast to the confrontational approach seen in later years by other governments. Notably, she maintained a productive working relationship even with opposition-led central governments (the BJP-led Centre 1998–2004), which helped push local projects forward.

A World-Class City Emerges

Sheila Dikshit’s tenure coincided with India’s economic boom of the 2000s, and Delhi rode that wave. The city’s economy grew rapidly – often outpacing national GDP growth. Under Dikshit, Delhi’s Gross State Domestic Product (GSDP) growth averaged roughly 9% annually, higher than the all-India average, especially in the early 2000s. Per capita incomes in Delhi soared to become the highest in India by a wide margin. Rather than content herself with macro numbers, Dikshit reinvested this growth into visible improvements on the ground.

Infrastructure development was Sheila Dikshit’s signature achievement. She oversaw what can be described as an urban transformation:

• Massive Road & Flyover Expansion: Her government built approximately 65 flyovers and underpasses across Delhi, unclogging traffic bottlenecks that once paralyzed the city. Landmark projects – like the sweeping overpass at AIIMS, the remodelled Dhaula Kuan interchange, and the Barapullah elevated road – were conceived and executed during her tenure. These projects dramatically cut travel times and gave Delhi a more “world-class” road network.

• Delhi Metro Rail: Perhaps the most iconic legacy is the Delhi Metro. Although planned in earlier years, it was under Dikshit’s watch that the Metro became reality. She provided full backing to the technocrats of the Delhi Metro Rail Corporation (led by E. Sreedharan), fast-tracking clearances and funding. In 2002, Delhi’s first Metro line from Shahdara to Tis Hazari opened. Over the next decade, the network rapidly expanded across the city, transforming how Delhiites commute. Dikshit was instrumental in resolving hurdles – from land acquisition to dealing with skeptical union ministers – to ensure the Metro’s timely growth. The Metro’s success not only eased traffic but also became a point of civic pride for Delhi.

• Cleaner, Greener Delhi: Under court orders but supported strongly by Dikshit’s administration, Delhi undertook the switch to Compressed Natural Gas (CNG) for all public transport vehicles in 2001–2002. This bold conversion of buses and auto-rickshaws to CNG drastically reduced air pollution and made Delhi a pioneer in clean fuel adoption. The chief minister’s role was crucial in implementing the Supreme Court directive against resistance. Similarly, her government planted trees and created city forests, increasing Delhi’s green cover.

• Power Sector Reforms: One of the most far-reaching yet initially controversial moves was the privatization of Delhi’s electricity distribution in 2002. At the turn of the century, Delhi was plagued by frequent power outages (“load-shedding”) and discoms rife with theft and losses. Dikshit’s government broke up the state electricity board and brought in private companies (like Tata Power and Reliance’s BSES) to run distribution. The result within a few years was a dramatic improvement – 24/7 reliable electricity became the norm, power theft reduced, and customer service improved. Though critics at the time protested tariff hikes, this reform is now credited with virtually ending Delhi’s power cuts.

What made Dikshit’s model distinct was integrated development. Alongside big infrastructure, she championed initiatives that directly touched citizens’ daily lives and involved them in governance:

• Bhagidari – Citizen Partnership: Dikshit launched the “Bhagidari” movement (meaning partnership) to involve Resident Welfare Associations (RWAs) in governance. Regular Bhagidari workshops between officials and community representatives enabled input on neighborhood issues – water supply, garbage management, park maintenance – creating a sense of co-ownership among residents in Delhi’s development. This approach, novel for its time, won U.N. recognition and helped improve civic services at the micro level.

• Social Welfare Programs: Her government introduced schemes like the Ladli scheme for the girl child, expanded access to higher education by setting up new universities (Guru Gobind Singh Indraprastha University, for instance), and improved healthcare by building new hospital blocks and regularizing unauthorized colonies’ civic amenities. The Congress’s focus on “reforms with a human face” was reflected in Delhi through subsidies for water and power to the poor and improvements in government schools (though not at the scale seen later under AAP).

Crucially, Sheila Dikshit managed to deliver on these fronts while maintaining fiscal stability. Delhi’s robust revenues (a byproduct of its booming service economy and rising incomes) and sound financial management meant the government ran budget surpluses in several years. Even as spending on infrastructure soared, Delhi remained, in the words of RBI data, one of the few states “running in profit” by the late 2000s.

Economic Growth and Modernization

The economic landscape of Delhi under Dikshit saw rapid growth in the services sector – finance, IT, telecom, retail and real estate – turning the capital into a magnet for investment and migrants. Major commercial hubs like Connaught Place got facelifts, while new centers such as Saket, Jasola, and Rohini saw malls and offices spring up. Annual per capita income in Delhi, already highest in India, climbed to roughly three times the national average. Delhi’s growth rate in the 2000s hovered around 9–10% annually, substantially higher than India’s overall growth. This prosperity enabled investments in projects like the 2008 facelift of the Indira Gandhi International Airport (a central project but timed with Delhi’s growth) and the grand preparations for the 2010 Commonwealth Games.

The 2010 Commonwealth Games (CWG) was in many ways the apotheosis of Dikshit’s developmental drive. In the run-up to the Games, her government undertook a frenzy of projects: new stadiums and the Games Village, beautification of roads and markets, street-scaping initiatives (planting trees, building sidewalks, improving signage), and even a new terminal at the airport (executed by the private sector). She stood firm amidst criticism over delays and pushed her team to deliver just in time for the Games. There’s a memorable anecdote from just days before the CWG opening: an under-construction footbridge near the main stadium collapsed, triggering international embarrassment. When informed of the disaster, Dikshit did not panic – she famously told her officials, “There is no time to cry… make it work,” and promptly called in the Army to erect a temporary bridge in its place overnight. The Games went off successfully and earned India praise for the facilities – but not without a dark side, which we address in the next section.

Controversies and Challenges

Despite her myriad successes, Sheila Dikshit’s long tenure was not without controversy. In fact, the later years of her rule were clouded by scandals and public discontent that ultimately ended the Congress’s reign in Delhi.

The biggest blot on her record was the Commonwealth Games corruption scandal. Soon after the Games (which were held in October 2010), India’s federal audit agency CAG and media reports alleged massive financial irregularities in the contracts for CWG projects – from stadium construction to city beautification. While much of the spotlight fell on organizing committee chief Suresh Kalmadi, Dikshit’s government too was accused of overspending and mismanagement in projects under its purview. Allegations ranged from inflated budgets for street lighting to graft in procuring equipment. The issue snowballed into a national scandal, with Dikshit’s political opponents calling for her resignation. Though no charges were proven against her personally, the taint of CWG graft badly dented her image. It was a cruel irony that the Games which showcased Delhi’s transformation also underscored old flaws of corruption.

Another major event was the December 2012 Nirbhaya gang-rape case, a horrific crime that sparked nationwide protests over women’s safety. Though policing is under the central government, many protesters targeted the Delhi government for not doing enough to make the city safe. Dikshit herself joined protesters in expressing anguish, but the perception grew that the government had become aloof to public outcry. Earlier, the year 2011 had seen Delhi as one of the centers of the India Against Corruption movement (led by Anna Hazare and Arvind Kejriwal), which lambasted the ruling Congress governments (both in Delhi and at Centre) for graft. Arvind Kejriwal, in particular, turned his guns on Sheila Dikshit over alleged irregularities in Delhi’s water tanker management and power tariffs, even filing an FIR against her in 2012 for a purported scam. These accusations, amplified by the media, eroded the “clean and efficient” aura that Dikshit had cultivated.

By 2013, after 15 years in power, anti-incumbency had set in heavily. The Congress government was viewed by some younger voters as status-quoist – many had come of age taking the Metro, flyovers, and reliable utilities for granted, without recalling a time before Dikshit. As Sheila Dikshit reflected in her memoir, first-time voters in 2013 “could not be expected to feel ecstatic” about things like regular power and new flyovers, because those now felt like a natural rightindianexpress.com. Meanwhile, rising living costs and corruption scandals gave the opposition fresh ammunition. In the 2013 Assembly election, the Congress was reduced to just 8 seats, its worst ever performance, and Sheila Dikshit even lost her own New Delhi constituency to Arvind Kejriwal.

Legacy

Sheila Dikshit’s defeat in 2013 ended an era, but her legacy looms large over Delhi. Even her political adversaries concede that she is responsible for Delhi’s modern face, delivering tangible transformation when many other Indian cities languished with crumbling infrastructure. Under her, Delhi got a 24-hour city vibe, with improved public transport, cleaner air (temporarily, at least), better power, and a pride in being India’s capital. She proved adept at “developmental politics” done through consensus – contrasting sharply with the confrontations that later governments would have with the Centre.

Dikshit’s model was often described as “a balance between welfarism and infrastructure”, as one of her former aides put it. She believed in both flyovers and social programs, both Metro rails and citizen partnership. This balanced approach stands in contrast to her successors: the AAP government that followed would tilt more towards populist welfare (free services) and less towards big infrastructure, while often clashing with central authorities. Indeed, by 2025, even the opposition Congress found itself invoking the “Sheila Dikshit model” nostalgically, as a gold standard of governance they wished to promise again.

In sum, Sheila Dikshit can rightly be called the Architect of Modern Delhi. Her three-term tenure delivered a Delhi that was almost unrecognizable from 1998: a bustling, more efficient city with new highways, a gleaming metro, and a tech-fueled economy. The controversies towards the end, however, served as a reminder that good governance requires constant vigilance against complacency and corruption. Her exit opened the door for a new political force – born directly out of an anti-corruption platform – to take center stage in Delhi.

Arvind Kejriwal (2013–2025): The Rise of AAP and the “Delhi Model”

The 2013 election that ousted Sheila Dikshit also catapulted an unlikely challenger into power: Arvind Kejriwal, an activist-turned-politician, and his newly formed Aam Aadmi Party (AAP). Kejriwal’s ascent marked a radical shift in Delhi’s politics – from the seasoned pragmatism of Dikshit to the agitational, idealistic style of a newcomer promising to eradicate corruption and usher in clean governance. Over the next decade (2013 to 2023), Kejriwal’s AAP would dominate Delhi’s political landscape, heralding what came to be known as the “Delhi Model” of development – a focus on public welfare (education, health, subsidies) accompanied by claims of honest governance. However, this era was also punctuated by intense conflicts with the central government, and by the end (2024–25) saw AAP beleaguered by allegations that ironically echoed the corruption issues they once crusaded against.

A 49-Day Government and a Stunning Return

Political earthquake of 2013: Arvind Kejriwal, a former Revenue Service officer and a key aide of anti-corruption icon Anna Hazare, had formed AAP in 2012 riding on the wave of public disgust towards graft. In the December 2013 Delhi elections, AAP stunned everyone by winning 28 seats and 30% of the vote share in its debut attempt. The BJP won 31 seats to emerge single-largest, but fell short of majority, and Congress was decimated to 8. After initial hesitation, Kejriwal dramatically decided to form a government with outside support from the Congress (the very party he had vehemently criticized) in order to “deliver” on his manifesto. Thus, on December 28, 2013, Arvind Kejriwal, at 45, became Delhi’s youngest-ever Chief Minister.

The AAP government’s first stint was equal parts idealism and chaos. Kejriwal ran the administration less like a typical politician and more like a protest leader trying to remake governance overnight. In just 49 days, his government announced a flurry of moves: a 50% subsidy on power bills up to 400 units, free 700 liters of water per day to each household, an anti-corruption helpline for citizens, and high-profile raids on officials accused of graft. Kejriwal even staged a public dharna (sit-in protest) in the heart of Delhi, sleeping on the street to demand control over the Delhi Police after a controversy, blurring the line between being the establishment and fighting it.

The experiment abruptly ended on February 14, 2014, when Kejriwal resigned after 49 days in office. The trigger was his flagship Jan Lokpal (ombudsman) Bill – meant to create a powerful anti-corruption body – which was blocked in the Assembly by opposition and Congress members. Rather than compromise, Kejriwal quit, declaring he would not stay in office as a helpless figurehead. This decision, however, was widely criticized. Many Delhi voters felt betrayed that AAP walked away so quickly; opponents dubbed Kejriwal “Bhagoda” (deserter). In hindsight, Kejriwal himself admitted it was a miscalculation, and it formed a key learning experience that tempered his approach later. President’s Rule was imposed, and Delhi had no elected government for a year.

Landslide of 2015: After a period of central rule, Delhi went to polls again in February 2015. By now, Kejriwal had apologized for quitting early and sought a second chance – and the public responded overwhelmingly. AAP won an astonishing 67 out of 70 seats – one of the most lopsided victories in Indian electoral history. The BJP was reduced to just 3 seats (and Congress to zero), as voters gave Kejriwal a strong mandate to govern properly this time. This was the true beginning of the AAP era in Delhi.

Kejriwal 2.0 took oath on Valentine’s Day 2015 – exactly one year after his resignation – with a pledge of a more mature government focused on delivery. In 2020, AAP repeated its dominance, winning 62 seats for a second term. By then, Arvind Kejriwal had firmly established himself as a pan-Delhi leader with a carefully crafted image: part working-class hero (always seen in his simple pullover, muffler, and trademark cap), part governance reformer, and part political survivor who learned from missteps.

The “Delhi Model”: Schools, Clinics and Subsidies

Arvind Kejriwal’s governance philosophy centered on making tangible improvements in public services, especially education and healthcare, while providing relief to citizens through subsidies. Often touted at national level, the “Delhi Model” was essentially about using the capital’s healthy revenues to invest in human development and lower living costs for the common man. Key pillars of this model included:

• Education Revolution: The AAP government gave education an unprecedented focus (allocating around 25% of the budget to it consistently). Government schools, once derided as ramshackle, saw a dramatic turnaround. The administration built over 20,000 new classrooms – effectively the equivalent of 500+ new schools – and repaired or rebuilt thousands of facilities. Many schools received world-class infrastructure: smart classrooms, science labs, modern toilets, and sports facilities. Teachers were sent for training to other countries to learn best practices. Innovative curricula were introduced – the “Happiness Curriculum” to foster mental well-being, and a practical Entrepreneurship Mindset curriculum (Business Blasters) to encourage student start-ups. Specialized Schools of Excellence and a Delhi Education Board were launched to raise standards. The result: Delhi’s government schools began outperforming private schools in board exam results, with pass percentages above 96% in some years. Once-poor families started preferring revamped government schools, a remarkable shift acknowledged by education experts.

• Healthcare and Mohalla Clinics: In healthcare, the AAP government aimed to bring primary care to people’s doorsteps. The flagship initiative was the creation of Mohalla Clinics – small neighborhood clinics – offering free consultations, medicines, and diagnostics. By 2023, around 520 Mohalla Clinics were functioning across Delhi’s colonies and slums, treating millions of patients (especially the poor who previously had to queue at crowded hospitals). AAP’s healthcare model was a three-tier system: Mohalla Clinics for basic ailments, Polyclinics for specialist consultation and tests, and upgraded government hospitals for serious treatment. They added over 1,600 hospital beds in existing hospitals to expand capacity and constructed new hospital blocks (though some projects faced delays). The Delhi government’s health budget rose to about 16% of its total expenditure – far above the 5% national average – funding initiatives like free surgeries for residents at private hospitals if waitlists in government ones were long. By focusing on preventive and primary care, the AAP government claims to have improved health indicators and reduced out-of-pocket expenditure for Delhi citizens.

• Water and Electricity Subsidies: Perhaps the most immediately popular measures were those that lowered utility bills. True to its promise, AAP provided Free Water up to 20,000 liters per month for every household. This meant over 1.4 million families got zero water bills (as long as they stayed within the limit), incentivizing conservation as well. On electricity, Delhi residents got free power for consumption up to 200 units, and a 50% subsidy up to 400 units. This benefitted the vast majority of middle-class households. The Kejriwal government managed to compensate private power companies for these subsidies without running deficits, thanks to Delhi’s strong revenues. The tagline “Bijli half, paani maaf” (half-price electricity, free water) became associated with AAP. Additionally, in 2019, Kejriwal announced free bus rides for women in Delhi Transport Corporation (DTC) buses to promote women’s safety and mobility.

• Infrastructure and Transport: Though AAP put more emphasis on social sectors than big infrastructure, it did continue some projects. During 2015–2020, the Delhi Metro’s Phase III was completed, extending the network to over 350 km (a collaborative project with the central government). Kejriwal’s government takes credit for facilitating Metro expansion by resolving state-level issues like land and approvals, albeit there were tussles with the Centre over sharing costs in Phase IV. The AAP administration also procured new buses after a long gap – including modern low-floor electric buses to augment the ageing DTC fleet, though bus procurement was slower than promised initially. In a headline-grabbing move to combat pollution, Kejriwal introduced the “Odd-Even” road rationing scheme in 2016: private cars were allowed on roads only on alternate days based on license plate numbers. This temporary measure (repeated a few times) had mixed results but showed the government’s proactiveness on pollution. A slew of projects like flyover extensions, new CCTV cameras across the city, and free WiFi hotspots were also rolled out as part of AAP’s development agenda.

• Regularizing Colonies and Utilities Access: Kejriwal often positioned himself as the benefactor of the poor and middle-class living in unauthorized colonies (informal settlements that lacked legal status and basic services). His government laid sewer lines and water pipelines in over 600 such colonies that previously had none. Thousands of households got legal water connections and improved sanitation due to this drive. In late 2019, just before the election, the AAP government pushed for regularizing these colonies, and the central government (then BJP-led) finally passed a law giving over 1.2 million residents ownership rights. AAP took political credit for championing this cause.

Collectively, these initiatives earned AAP accolades and electoral rewards. By the time of the 2020 election, slogans of “Education, Healthcare, Electricity, Water – The Delhi Model” were front and center. Even opponents like the Congress started grudgingly praising improvements in schools and clinics. Internationally, delegations from as far as USA's First lady Melania Trump, Norway's Royal family and many more visited Delhi to study Mohalla Clinics and government schools. Kejriwal himself began projecting the “Delhi Model” as a template that could be replicated nationwide – a governance that is pro-people and anti-corruption.

Confrontation with the Centre and Constitutional Crises

However, Arvind Kejriwal’s time in power was not smooth sailing. Governing Delhi meant constant friction with the Central Government (especially after 2014 when Narendra Modi’s BJP came to power nationally). Delhi’s status as a semi-state meant the elected government did not control key areas like policing, land, and bureaucratic appointments – these remained with the Lieutenant Governor (LG) as a representative of the Centre. Kejriwal, with his activist instincts, often turned these structural constraints into high-pitched confrontations, raising questions of democratic mandate vs constitutional limits.

The clashes began early. The Modi government appointed a series of Lt. Governors in Delhi who took a very literal view of their powers. Files of the Delhi government were frequently overturned or held up by the LG’s office. Kejriwal dubbed it an “undeclared Emergency” in Delhi’s governance. In 2015, a high-profile public slugfest erupted when the LG annulled the appointment of an official chosen by Kejriwal. This spiraled into a battle over who controls the bureaucracy – the elected CM or the LG. It went to court, and eventually, in 2018, the Supreme Court delivered a landmark judgment clarifying that except for land, police and public order, the LG is bound by the aid and advice of the elected government. Kejriwal hailed this as a victory for democracy. But tussles continued in new forms – for instance, over the control of Delhi’s Anti-Corruption Bureau, over transfer/posting of officers, and over policies like doorstep delivery of rations (which the Centre vetoed in 2021).

At times, the friction took dramatic turns. In June 2018, Kejriwal and his ministers staged a sit-in protest inside the Lt. Governor’s office for several days, demanding the LG clear files for Delhi’s welfare schemes and stop “hobbling” the government. This unprecedented move – a government protesting against its own nominal head – garnered national attention. Kejriwal claimed IAS officers were on an undeclared strike, instigated by the LG, and said he had “no choice” but to agitate so that projects (like installation of CCTV cameras and fair price door-step delivery) could proceed. Eventually, the protest ended after assurances, but it underscored Kejriwal’s combative style.

Politically, Kejriwal and the BJP also clashed bitterly. He often accused Prime Minister Modi and the BJP of using the LG and agencies to “punish” Delhi’s voters for choosing AAP. The BJP, on the other hand, painted Kejriwal as an anarchist who can’t work within constitutional boundaries. This rivalry even stalled development at times – for example, Phase IV of the Metro was delayed for over two years due to wrangling between Delhi and central government on sharing costs, until finally approved in 2019.

Despite these challenges, the AAP government largely succeeded in sustaining its programs and was popular enough to be re-elected in 2020 by a wide margin. Kejriwal also moderated his approach after 2016 – focusing more on governance and less on daily confrontation or national ambitions (he briefly aspired beyond Delhi, even contesting and losing against Narendra Modi in Varanasi in 2014). Post-2015, he stuck to Delhi and honed a strategically soft Hindutva-neutral image – e.g., reciting Hindu chants in rallies, praising Lord Hanuman – to blunt BJP’s attacks, while delivering services, thus appealing across class and religious lines.

Weakening Fortunes and Accusations of Corruption

The irony of Arvind Kejriwal’s journey is that a leader who built his career on fighting corruption eventually found himself and his party embroiled in corruption controversies – albeit he insists they are false and politically motivated. During AAP’s first term, a couple of ministers faced scandals: Law Minister Jitender Tomar resigned over a fake degree case; Asim Ahmed Khan (Food Minister) was removed after a sting alleged a bribe. Kejriwal took pride in swift action on his part in those instances. But the bigger storms came in his second and third terms:

• “Liquor Policy Scam” Allegations: In 2022, the Delhi government introduced a new excise policy to reform liquor trade. Later that year, Lt. Governor V.K. Saxena alleged the policy had led to favoritism and kickbacks benefitting liquor companies, and recommended a CBI probe. Under pressure, Kejriwal’s government withdrew the policy. But the probe went on, and by 2023 it became AAP’s biggest crisis. Deputy CM Manish Sisodia, Kejriwal’s closest aide and architect of the education reforms, was arrested by the CBI/ED for alleged corruption in the liquor policy tenders. Health Minister Satyendar Jain was already in jail since 2022 on unrelated money laundering charges. The BJP went to town with these accusations, claiming AAP’s anti-graft halo had slipped. Kejriwal himself was interrogated by the CBI (in April 2023) in the liquor case. In November 2023, the Enforcement Directorate even named Kejriwal as an accused in a chargesheet, though no charges have been proven in court. AAP has vehemently denied wrongdoing, calling the cases a vendetta for its opposition to the BJP. The courts provided some vindication – in October 2025, the Supreme Court granted Kejriwal bail after months in custody, noting that “prolonged incarceration (without trial) amounts to unjust deprivation of liberty”ndtv.com. This suggested that the evidence to keep him jailed was not strong enough in the court’s view. AAP spun this as proof that the “scam” had weak legal basis, though the case is still sub judice.

• Other allegations: The BJP and Congress raised various other accusations, from the distribution of classroom construction contracts (which a CVC report criticized for cost overruns) to alleged irregularities in bus procurement (investigated but not proven). Kejriwal, who once freely accused others of corruption, found himself frequently on the defensive. In a stark turn, he even issued public apologies to several individuals (like former Union Minister Arun Jaitley and Punjab ex-minister Bikram Majithia) to settle defamation suits after making allegations against them – a move that invited ridicule from opponents.

  
  

Arvind Kejriwal and AAP maintained that all these charges were baseless, calling them “fake charges” and “conspiracies” by the BJP to derail AAPndtv.com. They point out that, despite years of investigation, no conviction or proven scam involving actual public loss has been established against the Kejriwal government. This claim of a clean record resonates with many AAP supporters who view their leaders as victims of political witch-hunts. The “weak nature” of the accusations, in their eyes, is evidenced by outcomes like Kejriwal’s bail and the lack of a smoking gun even after aggressive probes. However, detractors argue that AAP has lost the moral high ground, and the mere association with these controversies tarnished its image.

The 2025 Election and BJP’s Return

By early 2024, the confluence of events had weakened AAP’s once-invincible position. Kejriwal’s two top lieutenants (Sisodia and Jain) were behind bars, governance had taken a hit in their absence, and the party’s attention was divided fighting legal battles. In a surprising move in September 2024, Arvind Kejriwal resigned as Chief Minister, a few months before his term ended. He announced he would seek “a certificate of honesty from the people” – essentially resigning to campaign for a fresh mandate as a way to prove his innocence. It was a high-risk gambit, acknowledging that the corruption cloud was affecting his legitimacy. Kejriwal had also spent some time in jail before getting bail, and on release, he dramatically said he would undergo a “agnipariksha” (trial by fire) of public verdict.

AAP chose Education Minister Atishi as the interim Chief Minister (Delhi’s second woman CM). She served from September 2024 until the election in February 2025, effectively as a caretaker with Kejriwal still the party’s face. The 2025 Delhi Assembly election thus became a referendum on Kejriwal’s rule and the BJP’s chance to capitalize on AAP’s troubles.

On February 8, 2025, election results were declared – and it was a saffron sweep. The BJP won 48 of 70 seats, securing a clear majority after 27 years out of power. AAP’s seat tally plunged to 22, a dramatic fall from its earlier dominance. The Congress was shut out with 0 seats yet again. The “giant killer” of this election was none other than Parvesh Sahib Singh Verma (son of former CM Sahib Singh Verma) who defeated Arvind Kejriwal in the New Delhi constituency by over 4,000 votes. It was a symbolic bookend: the scion of a 1990s BJP leader unseating the incumbent who had ended Sheila Dikshit’s reign. For Kejriwal, this personal loss was a first and a humbling moment, signaling the ebb of the AAP wave.

Analysts attributed AAP’s defeat to a mix of anti-incumbency, the taint of the liquor scam and “Sheesh Mahal”, and BJP’s aggressive campaign. The BJP framed the election as a fight to “free Delhi from corruption” and highlighted the charges against AAP relentlessly . High inflation and unemployment nationally had less impact on this local election which revolved around Kejriwal’s governance record. Moreover, BJP’s strategists had learnt from past failures and presented a united front, even bringing in fresh faces. One such face was Rekha Gupta, a first-time BJP MLA, who on February 20, 2025, took oath as Delhi’s new Chief Minister. She became Delhi’s fourth woman CM, following in the footsteps of Sushma Swaraj, Sheila Dikshit, and Atishi.

AAP’s Impact and the Road Ahead

Although AAP’s continuous rule ended in 2025, Arvind Kejriwal and his party have left a profound impact on Delhi’s governance and politics. Their emphasis on education and health as primary governance goals has set a new benchmark – subsequent governments will likely be judged on how they maintain or improve the standards AAP set in these sectors. Initiatives like Mohalla Clinics and heavily subsidized utilities have redefined citizen expectations (indeed, the BJP in its 2025 campaign promised not to roll back the free electricity/water schemes immediately, tacitly acknowledging their popularity).

Kejriwal also proved that a regional party with a hyper-local focus can dislodge national parties if it strikes the right chord with urban voters. For years, Delhi had essentially been a BJP vs Congress contest; AAP created a viable third space and dominated it for a decade. This in turn pushed the BJP and Congress to adapt – for instance, the Congress started reminiscing about Sheila Dikshit’s era of “real development” in an effort to win back voters, while the BJP in Delhi began talking more of improving schools and public services, issues it traditionally hadn’t foregrounded. AAP’s governance, dubbed by some as “trickle-up economics” (putting money in people’s hands via free services and watching demand and welfare improve), has fueled debate in India about the merit of such welfare-oriented models versus traditional growth-centric models.

In terms of controversies, AAP’s tenure provided lessons on both sides of the coin: it showed that integrity and clean governance can be a political selling point, but also that maintaining that image is hard when wielding power. The very fact that agencies couldn’t substantiate many charges (as AAP claims) will be cited by them to argue they kept a relatively clean government. On the other hand, detractors will point to the arrests and ongoing trials to question AAP’s purity. This dichotomy will likely persist in evaluations of Kejriwal’s legacy.

Finally, Kejriwal’s era underscored the constitutional quandary of Delhi’s status. The fierce battles between an elected CM and an unelected LG highlighted ambiguities and have led to calls for either full statehood for Delhi or clearer laws to define the power-sharing. A Supreme Court judgment in 2023 further delineated these powers, but the underlying political tug-of-war remains unless future actors choose a more cooperative approach.

Conclusion

Over the 1993–2025 period, Delhi witnessed three distinct political chapters: the initial BJP rule in the 1990s marked by promising starts but premature ends, the Congress epoch of Sheila Dikshit which delivered rapid modernization but eventually faltered under scandal, and the anti-establishment AAP phase that reimagined governance priorities even as it courted its own controversies. Each Chief Minister – Madan Lal Khurana, Sahib Singh Verma, Sushma Swaraj, Sheila Dikshit, and Arvind Kejriwal – navigated the unique challenges of governing India’s capital: a vibrant, clamorous city-state with high public expectations and complex power tussles between local and national authorities.

Political developments in Delhi often mirrored broader currents in India. The rise of BJP in the 90s, the Congress revival in the 2000s, and the advent of a new regional force in the 2010s – all played out here with high intensity. Economic advances were significant: Delhi’s economy grew multi-fold, per capita income became the highest in India, and the city evolved into a services and commerce hub. Under Congress, infrastructure took center stage – new highways, bridges, a world-class metro, reliable electricity – laying the groundwork for a “global city”. Under AAP, the focus shifted to human development – rejuvenated schools and accessible healthcare – showcasing a model of inclusive growth. In both eras, Delhi set examples (from CNG adoption to Mohalla Clinics) that other Indian cities took note of.

Yet, controversies were never far behind. The BJP’s first term was marred by infighting and a whiff of scandal (Hawala), the Congress’s long reign ended under the shadow of corruption allegations (CWG) and public unrest (2012 protests), and AAP’s term saw a reversal of roles – with its leaders facing graft probes and accusations of governance by gimmick. Election results during 1993–2025 swung like a pendulum, reminding us that Delhi’s voters are discerning and not shy to vote for change when dissatisfied. They punished the BJP in 1998 for price rise and internal strife, ousted Congress in 2013 for perceived arrogance and corruption, and eventually removed AAP in 2025 when its promises seemed to give way to controversies. Each transition was peaceful and democratic, a testament to India’s electoral vigor.

Looking back, Sheila Dikshit stands out as the longest-serving and arguably most impactful Delhi CM, transforming the city’s physical landscape and governance culture. Madan Lal Khurana’s role as the pioneer of the assembly era and Arvind Kejriwal’s role as the disruptor who redefined the agenda are also deeply etched in the Delhi story. As of March 2025, Delhi has come full circle with the BJP regaining power, promising a new chapter. The challenges for the new government will be to build on the gains of previous regimes – expanding metro lines, combating pollution, improving civic amenities further – while avoiding their pitfalls of complacency or confrontation.

Delhi’s trajectory from 1993 to 2025 offers a rich case study in urban governance – how visionary leadership can elevate a city, and how lapses (or even the appearance of lapses) can swiftly erode public trust. It is a story of constant evolution: the capital city, ever restless, demanding the best from its leaders and ready to switch loyalties for a better future. As Delhi now moves into a new political era, the legacies of these five chief ministers will continue to shape the debates on what the city aspires to be – a clean, efficient, equitable “world-class city” – and how to get there. Each leader, with their triumphs and tribulations, has become an integral part of the Delhi story.